Missile strikes across the Gulf have ruptured the region’s long-standing strategy of balancing close security ties with Washington while cautiously rebuilding relations with Tehran.
After a sweeping Iranian retaliation in response to a joint US-Israeli assault, Gulf capitals that once prided themselves on insulation from regional wars now find themselves directly hit.
Airports, oil infrastructure, residential districts, ports and facilities linked to US forces have all come under fire.
As anger rises and economic losses mount, leaders of the Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) are confronting a stark dilemma: whether to remain militarily uninvolved while absorbing continued attacks, or to respond in self-defence and risk being seen as entering a war that could redefine the geopolitical order in the region.
How Gulf countries have been targeted by Iran
The escalation followed a major joint US-Israeli military campaign against Iran over the weekend that targeted military and government sites and resulted in
the killing of Iran’s Supreme Leader Ayatollah Ali Khamenei and other senior military figures.
Tehran responded with an extensive missile and drone campaign directed at Israel and US military assets across the Gulf.
The retaliation quickly spilled into densely populated urban areas and key economic zones, undercutting the Gulf states’ reputation for stability and security.
Among the confirmed targets:
-
The headquarters of the US Navy in Bahrain was struck by an Iranian missile.
-
Qatar said it intercepted missiles headed toward Al Udeid Air Base, the largest American military base in the region.
-
Kuwait reported that Iranian strikes hit Ali Al-Salem air base, which hosts US Air Force personnel.
-
Saudi Arabia stated that
the US embassy in Riyadh and its eastern region were targeted. -
The United Arab Emirates reported multiple missile and drone incidents across its territory.
Reports also described impacts or debris affecting landmark buildings and the airport in Dubai, high-rises in Manama, Kuwait’s airport, and residential areas in Doha. Smoke was seen in parts of several Gulf cities.
Casualties were reported across the region. The UAE confirmed three fatalities and dozens of injuries. Qatar reported 16 injuries. Oman said five people were injured. Kuwait confirmed 32 injuries and Bahrain reported four.
Beyond airbases and government installations, energy and maritime infrastructure were also hit. An Iranian drone strike
was reported on Saudi Arabia’s Ras Tanura refinery, though Tehran denied targeting Saudi energy facilities.
Oman reported an attack on an oil tanker approximately 50 miles off Muscat’s coast.
Qatar’s defence ministry said two drones struck energy facilities in Ras Laffan, the industrial city central to its gas exports. Doha subsequently halted liquefied natural gas production in response to the attacks.
The UAE authorities stated that 174 ballistic missiles were detected heading toward the country, of which 161 were destroyed and 13 fell into the sea.
In addition, 689 drones were identified, 645 intercepted and 44 landed within Emirati territory. Eight cruise missiles were detected and destroyed.
The financial cost of defending against these attacks has been significant. Kelly Grieco of the Stimson Center estimated that the UAE alone may have incurred close to $2 billion in expenses, noting that intercepting drones is substantially more costly than launching them.
How Iran has justified its attacks across the Gulf
Iran’s foreign minister informed the United Nations Security Council that Iran would “exercise its right of self-defence.” The Islamic Revolutionary Guard Corps (IRGC)
announced that it would treat US assets in the region as legitimate targets.
Ali Larijani, secretary of Iran’s supreme national security council, sought to frame Tehran’s actions as directed at US forces rather than Gulf states themselves.
“We do not intend to attack you. But when the bases of your country are used against us and the United States operates in the region with its own forces, we target them,” he said.
However, as civilian infrastructure and residential areas were affected, Gulf officials increasingly characterised the attacks as indiscriminate.
A joint statement issued by Bahrain, Iraq (including the Kurdistan region), Jordan, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates warned that “targeting civilians and countries not engaged in hostilities is reckless and destabilising”.
Iran’s justification that the strikes were focused on US facilities appeared to lose traction as hotels, apartment blocks and energy installations sustained damage.
Iran’s strategic approach, described by some analysts as a battle of wills, appears aimed at increasing economic disruption in the Gulf states in order to pressure Washington.
Yet this tactic has also risked undoing diplomatic progress made over the past two years, during which Tehran invested considerable effort in persuading Gulf governments that Israel, not Iran, was the principal destabilising force in the region.
Abbas Araghchi, Iran’s foreign minister,
later came close to expressing regret over an IRGC strike on a US facility in Oman, a country that had been acting as a mediator in nuclear negotiations.
Araghchi argued that Iran had made unprecedented concessions, including offering zero stockpiling of highly enriched uranium. He also stated that Iran had devolved military command authority to ensure continuity if central command structures were destroyed.
Despite these explanations, there has been little public indication of debate within Iran’s leadership about whether alienating Gulf states and risking potential reprisals could further endanger the regime.
How Gulf countries are responding
The Gulf Cooperation Council (GCC) convened an emergency meeting of foreign ministers amid the escalating crisis.
While no formal decision to engage militarily was announced, the bloc stated that the “option to respond to Iranian attacks” remained available to protect regional security and stability.
Saudi Arabia’s Foreign Ministry expressed “rejection and condemnation in the strongest terms” of the strikes on Riyadh and its eastern region and reserved the right to respond.
Qatar described the attacks as an “unacceptable escalation.” The UAE called them a “flagrant violation of sovereignty”.
Majed al-Ansari, Qatar’s foreign ministry spokesperson, declared, “This cannot go unanswered; a price has to be paid for this attack on our people.”
At the same time, voices within the region urged caution. Sheikh Hamad bin Jassim bin Jaber Al Thani, Qatar’s former prime minister and foreign minister, wrote on X that the GCC states “must not be dragged into a direct confrontation with Iran”, even though Tehran “violated the sovereignty of the Council’s states and was the aggressor”.
“There are forces that want the Council’s states to become directly embroiled with Iran,” he wrote.
“But a direct clash between the Council’s states and Iran, if it occurs, will deplete the resources of both sides and provide an opportunity for many forces to control us under the pretext of helping us escape the crisis.”
He called on the GCC to act as “a single, unified hand in confronting any aggression”, while ensuring they are not “picked off one by one”.
How Gulf countries are in a dilemma
While anger toward Tehran is widespread, formally entering the war alongside the US and Israel would represent a historic shift in regional alignment.
For years, Gulf states relied on a dual-track strategy: maintaining strong defence ties with the United States while pursuing cautious rapprochement with Iran.
Hosting US bases, acquiring advanced American weapons systems and cooperating on air defence were seen as critical deterrents.
Simultaneously, Saudi Arabia, the UAE and others invested diplomatic energy in reducing tensions with Tehran. Several Gulf states publicly supported diplomatic solutions to disputes over Iran’s nuclear programme and warned against military escalation before the US-Israeli campaign began.
As Washington’s military build-up increased, countries including Saudi Arabia, the UAE and Jordan stated that they would not permit the use of their territory to launch airstrikes against Iran.
Gulf governments pointed out that they had assured Tehran their airspace and bases were not used for offensive operations. This carefully calibrated approach was upended once Iranian missiles and drones began striking Gulf soil.
Saudi Arabia maintains the region’s most heavily funded and well-equipped armed forces, while the UAE has also invested extensively in modern military capabilities. Yet despite possessing significant assets, experts have expressed doubt that Gulf states will formally join the fighting with their own militaries.
Gulf governments have historically criticised Israel’s actions in Gaza and have presented themselves as advocates of diplomacy. Direct military alignment in a war initiated by a joint US-Israeli strike could carry domestic implications.
Gulf economies are also heavily dependent on energy exports, financial services and investor confidence. Missile impacts on airports, oil refineries and LNG facilities highlight the vulnerability of these sectors.
Up to now, despite repeated strikes and official condemnations, no Gulf state has launched a military retaliation against Iran.
The crisis has also influenced intra-Gulf dynamics. The UAE and Saudi Arabia, whose relations had cooled after taking opposing positions in Sudan and Yemen, signalled renewed engagement.
Saudi Crown Prince Mohammed bin Salman and UAE President Mohammed bin Zayed reportedly spoke for the first time in months amid the escalating crisis.
At the same time, Saudi authorities rejected a Washington Post report alleging that Riyadh had covertly encouraged the US and Israel to attack Iran.
The claim, if accepted domestically, could create political complications, particularly given Saudi Arabia’s public criticism of Israel over Gaza and its emphasis on diplomacy before the current conflict.
Iran’s efforts over the past two years to cultivate Gulf sympathy appear to have suffered significant damage.
Also Watch:
With inputs from agencies
End of Article
