With the 27th Amendment, Pakistan Army chief Asim Munir has insulated himself from the law, pushback from the military, and battering of Operation Sindoor. But why is Pakistan’s most powerful man rattled? The answer may lie in some brutal realities that even he would be concerned about.
With the 27th Amendment, Pakistan Army chief Asim Munir has insulated himself from the war, pushback from the military, and battering of Operation Sindoor.
Once 27th Amendment would come into effect, Munir would become Pakistan’s supreme commander with authority over the air force and navy as well. He would also have a say in appointment of air force and navy chiefs and would essentially control the nuclear arsenal through a proxy.
But what has intrigued many Pakistan observers the most is the length to which the 27th Amendment has gone to shield Munir legally.
Under the 27th Amendment, Munir and five-star generals of air force and navy would “retain rank, privileges and remain in uniform for life” and could only be removed by an impeachment and protected by immunities “similar to those enjoyed by the president”. Essentially, he would have lifelong legal immunity.
The need to go to such length lies in brutal realities of Pakistan —of its military regime’s own making— that even May may be concerned about.
Three reasons why Munir was rattled — and resorted to 27th Amendment
Even as Munir stands as the most powerful man in Pakistan, there have been several cracks that he has scrambled to fulfil. And 27th Amendment is the latest step part of those attempts.
Firstly, the position of Pakistani military has been weak in recent years as former premier Imran Khan has waged a fierce campaign against the army. His supporters have stormed the army headquarters and attacked houses of powerful corps commanders.
The popular perception that the Army was behind Imran’s ouster and imprisonment made the military highly unpopular.
Secondly, even while being the most powerful man, Munir was not the only source of power. For decades, there have been factions in the military —particularly in Pakistan Army— that joust for power. The infighting can get ugly.
Such infighting at a time of unprecedented unpopularity could have been fatal for Munir — or any other Army chief for that matter.
Thirdly, Munir was the most powerful man but neither his nor command over the military was institutional. Now, Munir has institutionalised these powers. He is not just the Army chief but the chief of other entire military — direct command over air force and navy.
Now that Munir outranks air force and navy chiefs, he has no fear of being overruled.
Previously, in 2019, then-Pakistan Air Force head, Air Chief Marshal Mujahid Anwar Khan, and then-Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff Committee (CJCSC), were said to have overruled then-Army chief General Qamar Javed Bajwa on how to respond to India after the Balakot airstrike — a response to Pulwama attack by Pakistan-backed terrorist groups.
In this version of events, as reported by Pakistani officials and media, then-Prime Minister Imran Khan intervened as the head of National Security Council (NSC) in favour of Bajwa and sided with him to go ahead with the plan of action that Bajwa had proposed.
To avoid such a situation where either a rival faction within the Army or chiefs of Air Force and Navy or the CJCSC could overrule him, Munir sought to abolish the post of CJCSC altogether and anoint himself as the supreme commander with authority over Air Force and Navy as well.
Munir and fellow military commanders also knew that Operation Sindoor had battered Pakistan. Even as they sold their nation the false notion of victory, the military brass knew the truth. And Munir’s weakness —after India’s beating— could have made him vulnerable. So he moved fast and elevated himself to the level where any conspiracy against him or attempt to clip his wings would backfire or simply not work.
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