How India’s ties with Israel have strengthened under PM Modi – Firstpost

How India’s ties with Israel have strengthened under PM Modi – Firstpost

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Prime Minister Narendra Modi will embark on a pivotal two-day state visit to Israel beginning Wednesday, February 25, 2026 — nearly a decade after his first historic trip in 2017, which itself marked the first visit by an Indian prime minister to the Jewish state.

Immediately upon arrival in Tel Aviv, Modi will hold a private meeting with his Israeli counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu before proceeding to Jerusalem for official programmes.

These engagements include addressing the Knesset (Israeli Parliament) —
a first for any Indian leader — visiting the Yad Vashem Holocaust Memorial, participating in a technology exhibition, and holding high-level talks with Israeli President Isaac Herzog.

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Speaking to All India Radio, India’s Ambassador to Israel JP Singh has described the visit as “historic,” remarking that “India and Israel are on the same page on the issue of terrorism,” and that the partnership has weathered crises in the past.

Singh noted that Modi’s first trip in 2017 laid the foundation for deeper relations, and now “time has come to build on that strategic partnership and take it to a new phase.”

Ahead of the visit, Netanyahu has publicly
framed India as part of an “axis of nations committed to stability.”

How were India-Israel relations before Modi?

India’s early foreign policy towards West Asia was shaped by its own colonial past and affinity with anti-colonial movements.

During British colonial rule, India identified strongly with the Palestinian struggle and opposed the 1917 Balfour Declaration, which promised the creation of a Jewish homeland in British-administered Palestine.

After gaining independence in 1947, India voted against the UN Partition Plan that envisioned separate Jewish and Arab states and also voted against Israel’s admission to the United Nations in 1949.

Despite recognising Israel in 1950, New Delhi refused to establish full diplomatic relations for more than four decades, and Indian passports were at one point marked “not valid for travel to Israel.”

While India maintained legal recognition of the Jewish state, political sensitivities and support for Palestine kept ties from becoming fully open until 1992.

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Nevertheless, covert channels of cooperation began to open in the late 1950s and 1960s. Israel sent diplomatic envoys to New Delhi, and despite public reticence, military support in the form of weapons and munitions flowed to India during conflicts with China and Pakistan.

The end of the Cold War and India’s economic opening in the early 1990s prompted a strategic recalibration. India and Israel officially upgraded their relationship to full diplomatic status in January 1992.

Embassies were established in Tel Aviv and New Delhi, marking a shift from ideological hesitation to realpolitik considerations in foreign policy.

During the late 20th century and early 2000s, India’s cooperation with Israel grew steadily but cautiously. Defence trade expanded, and political ties warmed incrementally (two Israeli PMs [1968 & 2003] and two presidents [1996 & 2016] visited India, before Netanyahu in 2018).

Official visits were rare, and the relationship was largely transactional — focused on defence procurement and technical exchanges — without the full strategic partnership later brokered under Modi.

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How did the Modi era transform India-Israel relations?

When Modi visited Israel in July 2017, it marked a watershed moment in bilateral ties. For the first time, an Indian prime minister travelled to Israel — breaking a decades-old pattern of diplomatic caution — and elevated the relationship to a strategic partnership.

Leaders from both countries agreed that cooperation would expand across technology, defence, innovation, water management, agriculture, cybersecurity and space research.

In describing the relationship as “special,” Modi emphasised the depth of cooperation and noted the historical context of shared democratic values and strategic interests.

Following the 2017 visit, Netanyahu reciprocated with an official visit to New Delhi in January 2018.

These visits helped institutionalise high-level political dialogue and led to the signing of multiple agreements covering cybersecurity, homeland security, oil and gas cooperation, civil aviation, and other sectors.

The partnership expanded beyond defence hardware into joint research and development, joint technology funds, and innovation initiatives. The launch of the India-Israel Research & Development and Technology Innovation Fund is one example of those efforts.

Defence ties, however, have arguably been the most tangible pillar of India-Israel relations. According to military trade data, Israel has become one of the largest defence equipment providers to India — often ranking within the top three suppliers and, in some periods, leading in terms of volume from 2012 to 2024.

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India procured a range of systems such as
the Barak-8 surface-to-air missile system, Phalcon AWACS radar platforms, SPYDER quick reaction air defence systems, Heron UAVs, Harop and Harpy loitering munitions, and Spike anti-tank guided missiles.

Recent analyses estimate over $20 billion in defence trade and technology collaboration between 2020 and 2024, with ongoing efforts to expand into laser defence and ballistic missile technologies.

Ahead of Wednesday’s visit, New Delhi is reported to be planning acquisitions of Israel’s advanced drones, long-range missiles, and laser-based defence systems to bolster air and missile defence architectures. An MoU on defence cooperation is expected to be signed during the visit.

Bilateral trade has grown from approximately $200 million in 1992 to more than $3.75 billion by FY 2024-25, making India one of Israel’s largest partners in Asia and one of its top global trading partners on a merchandise basis.

Trade spans diamonds, precious stones, petroleum products, chemicals, machinery, transport equipment, and technological goods.

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India’s exports to Israel include pearls, precious stones, automotive fuel and machinery, while imports from Israel cover technology-heavy equipment and specialised chemical products.

In September 2025, India and Israel signed a Bilateral Investment Agreement aimed at safeguarding investments and boosting confidence for cross-border capital flows.

In late 2025, both countries
officially initiated negotiations for a Free Trade Agreement (FTA) by signing Terms of Reference (ToR), which India’s commerce minister hailed as “historic” for future commercial integration.

These developments signal a deepening economic foundation beyond defence and security — increasingly incorporating innovation, digital technology, manufacturing, and services.

How has India balanced its support for Palestine with close ties to Israel?

While India’s strategic embrace of Israel has grown, New Delhi continues to affirm its support for a two-state solution and Palestinian sovereignty — a position repeatedly reiterated at multilateral platforms.

India has formally supported Palestinian statehood since 1988 and has consistently called for negotiated peace between Israel and Palestine.

Just three weeks after Netanyahu visited in January 2018, Modi became the first Indian PM to visit the West Bank city of Ramallah and meeting Palestinian Authority President Mahmoud Abbas, stating at the time that he hoped to see an “independent Palestinian state living in an environment of peace”.

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Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas speaks during an news conference with Prime Minister Narendra Modi, in Ramallah, in the occupied West Bank February 10, 2018. File Image/Reuters

Nonetheless, India’s voting patterns at the United Nations reveal nuanced shifts. In several instances related to the Gaza conflict and broader humanitarian concerns, India has abstained from resolutions that directly target Israeli actions, including those calling for ceasefires or arms embargoes.

India did, however,
join a large group of countries in condemning Israel’s proposed measures to alter the status of the occupied West Bank.

The joint statement rejected “all measures aimed at altering the demographic composition, character and status of the Palestinian Territory occupied since 1967, including East Jerusalem.”

It added, “Such measures violate international law, undermine the ongoing efforts for peace and stability in the region, run counter to the Comprehensive Plan, and jeopardize the prospect of reaching a peace agreement ending the conflict.”

The diplomatic balancing act — deepening strategic ties with Israel while maintaining official support for Palestinian rights — highlights India’s broader foreign policy of strategic autonomy.

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With inputs from agencies

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